Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)


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More generally, big businesses often have private foundations that can help you. The Agence universitaire de la Francophonie has action programmes for the benefit of students, teachers and researchers. Visit their site to find out more. Finally, regional and territorial authorities intend to energize local life by attracting students, in particular from abroad.

Contact the general or regional council for the region in which you consider studying. English version Studyrama TV. The transformation from an imperialistic overlord to humanitarian advocate is due in large part to the Harare Commonwealth Declaration, which set the association firmly on a new course for a new century.

As part of the Harare priorities, the Commonwealth provides assistance to countries in transition to democracy by helping to draft legislation, review and amend electoral procedures, and otherwise create the framework for democracy to take root. From a club of former colonies, it has grown into a modern international association that responds to the needs of its members and their future challenges. Until Boutros-Ghali's appointment, La Francophonie was also perceived by many as a club, dedicated to cultural and linguistic promotion, and nothing much else.

La Francophonie was seen by many as a self-serving infrastructure for small groups of people, such as those interested in preserving the purism of the French language for indulged elitists, and as a vehicle to keep France's finger in Africa. His remarks make it clear that La Francophonie has interests and goals that are similar to the Commonwealth group of nations, and those of the United Nations. La Francophonie has come of age!

Here is some of what he had to say:. It therefore seems important to me, given the new perspectives of international life, to begin not only by promoting the democratic idea but also by conceiving of it in global terms. We need to clearly understand that if it is to have any real meaning, democracy must be exercised in all areas where there is authority: at national level, of course, but also at international level and now at transnational level. I am convinced that there can be no international democratization, no effective solidarity so long as certain States continue to opt for a policy of no change.

But, as I said, this move towards democratization needs to go further. It also requires the involvement of the private sector. In this connection, the transnational corporation is now a fundamental global power and, as such, should be more closely involved in international decision-making. Transnational corporations must therefore be involved in the democratization process so that they are seen not as predators that would relish the shortcomings of the international social order, but, rather, as practitioners of development and of the fundamental elements of social integration.

This involvement of the business sector in establishing a new transnational social order is all the more important given that the weakened means of government control, the increasing irrelevance of territorial boundaries and the dissipation of national economic interests require the invention of new rules and new practices to apply to competition. I should like finally to stress the importance that I attach to the role of the non-governmental organizations in the process of democratization of global society.

If we are to build an open and vibrant democracy, we need to take into account not only the wishes of the political activists and the behaviour of the economic operators, but also the aspirations of the social and cultural players. The non-governmental organizations play a key role in representing contemporary society. And their participation in international organizations offers a form of guarantee of the political legitimacy of these organizations. NGOs are mushrooming on all continents, from 1 in to over 36 in Only a few weeks ago, they held an international conference in Seoul. This trend is symptomatic of the aspiration to freedom and democracy that - today and in different forms - motivates international society.

With this in mind, we also need the involvement of international public opinion and the capacity of the media to sensitize, inform and mobilize. In outlining what I see as a new social and democratic order for today's global society, I am well aware that I am looking largely to the future.

But I am convinced that societies are based, legitimized, structured and governed by ethical values as much as by economic realities. Perhaps more than anything else, the international community is primarily a society with an end in view. It needs to be based on a democratic and universal perception of the future to be able to go on growing and moving forward. That, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen is what I wished to say to you today. I am particularly pleased to be able to convey my thoughts to you here in FAO as we share the same objectives; as we share the same desire for cooperation, as witnessed by the agreement recently signed between FAO and the International Organization of French-Speaking Countries and Regions; and as we know that peace is not only a political issue but is also a matter of economic development.

Everyone needs to clearly realize that underdevelopment is a cause of political discontent. Let us state quite clearly: Hunger is as unacceptable as war.

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And it is only by mobilizing everyone - world organizations and regional organizations - that we shall be able to move forward towards that world of our ideals and of our ambitions. A team of nine observers from the Commonwealth and La Francophonie were present in Seychelles for the Presidential and National Assembly elections, held March , This was the first time that the Commonwealth and La Francophonie sent a joint observer mission to elections in a country, which is a member of both organizations.

This first joint mission by the Commonwealth and La Francophonie reflected a new spirit of cooperation between the two organizations in areas of common interest, although the two organizations worked closely when they both observed Parliamentary elections in Cameroon in May A joint assessment mission from the Commonwealth Secretariat and L'Agence de la Francophonie, which visited Seychelles in February , established that there was widespread support for a joint observer group presence during the elections. It was the first time that the Secretary General of the Commonwealth had been invited to such an event.

He made an address and attended a reception hosted by Jacques Chirac, President of the Republic of France.


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The attendance by the Commonwealth Secretary General is a mark of the closer links between the two associations. Chief Anyaoku said:. I am happy to join the celebrations of La Francophonie Day in Paris not least because there are a number of Commonwealth countries which are members of both organizations and because there is much which we hold in common.

If the Commonwealth's watchword is the pursuit of unity in diversity, it makes sense to seek that broader unity and understanding by working together. Indeed, our most ambitious collaboration is under way as I speak with the Commonwealth and La Francophonie deploying a joint observer mission to the Seychelles for the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections being held from the 20 to 22 March It was the first time the two organizations, whose membership together comprise more than one-third of the world's population, have undertaken a joint initiative of this kind.

The purpose was to consider the nature of pluralism and the role of the state and civil society in preventing it from becoming divisive. There is a need to show that being part of a multicultural society is an enriching experience and that pluralism should and can be a positive phenomenon, despite its potential for division. The Secretaries General of both the Commonwealth and La Francophonie are concerned by the potential for division and conflict that can arise where pluralism is not managed successfully.

The last few years have seen the international community intervene because of ethnic conflicts in Europe, Russia, Asia and Africa. Cameroon was selected as a venue to highlight the importance to Africa of managing pluralism successfully, since the country comprises diverse ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups, and is a member of both organizations.

The overall aim of the meeting was to develop ideas on how to forge constitutional and institutional structures that can and will promote democracy and stability in pluralistic societies. Possible areas of future collaboration include the promotion of democracy and human rights, mediation and peace missions, debt management, the environment, and support for economic integration. And important to remember:. Both movements, the Commonwealth and la Francophonie, are a direct evolution from British and French empires. Though totally voluntary in membership, both have achieved a remarkable degree of adhesion.

Undoubtedly this is because both movements provide a useful continuing linkage between rich and poor nations, and have successfully addressed the twin problems of racism and cultural imperialism Bostock , As Don Boudria explained: "if La Francophonie wants to reinforce solidarity between the member states, it must take an active role and offer solutions when internal conflicts arise; thus, working on both a national and international level.

For him, it is not enough to defend democratic principles on a national scale. It is necessary to protect it on a worldwide scale. Two principles guide the actions of the Secretary General: he intervenes only at the request of those directly involved, and does not intervene if another international organization is already at work in the area. He prefers to collaborate instead.

The promotion of the diversity of language and culture, the protection of diversity, including the identity of the people, their traditions, images, and ideology is the basis of La Francophonie. Boutros-Ghali believes it is also necessary to fight for democracy. Boutros-Ghali has a reputation as a freedom fighter, a defender of democracy, a pacifist, and is a champion of francophones the world over for his dedication and for his refusal to accept anything less than economic equality for all.

For as he says, it is only then that world peace can have a chance. Canada has seven million citizens who speak, write, sing, work, and live in French. Nearly one million Francophones live across Canada in other provinces and territories, and all across the country Francophone communities are dynamic and teeming with culture and ideas. In addition, two million Canadians of various origins speak French as a second language.

All of these Canadians share the use and love of the French language.

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Canadians are very well represented within La Francophonie. Quebec, which is home to the vast majority of our Francophones, plays a lead role in Canada's Francophonie. And just as Canada saw fit to take on an integral role in the development of the Commonwealth, so too, it created for itself a leading position in La Francophonie, which is in many ways, the French equivalent. The Canadian government has been associated with La Francophonie from the outset, having been active in the creation and development of its various institutions.

The flourishing French culture in Canada and its expansion abroad have provided considerable motivation for Canadian involvement in La Francophonie which is an extension internationally of Canada's bilingualism policy and constitutes a basic, permanent component of its foreign policy. In seeking to enhance the rich diversity of Canada, the federal government promotes La Francophonie both domestically and abroad. To this end, it has established a system of bilateral diplomatic representation with all French-speaking countries, produced an extensive development co-operation program, initiated a political dialogue on major international issues and has become a member of all multilateral francophone organizations.

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Canada has the status of member state in La Francophonie, while Quebec and New Brunswick are recognized as participating governments. La Francophonie is one of the main thrusts of Canada's foreign policy, as it "seeks to promote a free and open dialogue among very different, yet equal, partners in order to establish direct exchanges beyond geographical, ideological, ethnic, religious, cultural, and economic frontiers or barriers" Canada , From a domestic perspective, Canada's involvement in La Francophonie highlights the country's linguistic duality and supports and promotes Canada's French community, and "adds an element of stability and harmony to the country" Canada ,3.

For Canada, the positive impact of its belonging to la Francophonie goes beyond the Francophone population and benefits all Canadians. It is not just a matter of cultural enrichment. All Canadians are likely to benefit from their country's expanded participation in social, technological and economic development in the Francophone world. Canada benefits from expanded bilateral relations with the summit participants, particularly France, with whom it has moved on this issue from a painful diplomatic impasse to full-fledged co-operation.

This is yet another council in which it participates with one of its key European allies Canada ,4. Internationally, La Francophonie is a natural sphere of influence for Canada, similar to the Organization of American States and the Commonwealth. It is also a multilateral forum for cooperation and dialogue in which Canada can use its influence to promote the values its citizens wish to share. Acknowledging the importance of the French presence within its borders and determined to support the role of its Francophone community internationally, Canada was one of the first countries to promote La Francophonie by actively participating in the establishment and development of its many institutions.

Canada has since assumed an important leadership role in the organization and is a member of all the multilateral institutions and Ministerial Conferences of La Francophonie. Through this network, Canadians have a greater opportunity to play an international role in the areas of language and culture, politics, the economy, new technology and cooperation. In the federal government, the management of international Francophonie matters is the responsibility of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade DFAIT , which coordinates all aspects of this participation at the departmental and interdepartmental levels.

The division also manages the bulk of budget resources that Canada devotes to the Agence de la Francophonie, and oversees projects resulting from summits and activities of the Francophonie institutions. The Francophonie Affairs Division works closely with the Prime Minister's personal representative for Francophonie affairs on the preparation for and follow-up of summits and Ministerial Conferences. The personal representative represents Canada on the Permanent Council. Initially developed as a bibliographic database dealing with all member states of La Francophonie, BIEF quickly grew into a network for pooling and sharing human, documentary and technological resources, focusing on the transfer of information and documents.

BIEF is involved in the development, modernization and strengthening of member states' national information policies and systems. Each member of la Francophonie contributes in some way to the development of the organization. Canada has been fostering research in linguistics to meet the specific requirements stemming from its bilingual nature. Canadians have developed sophisticated linguistic tools - data banks, French language software, automated translation, and language training among them - coupled with the high-technology communications systems needed to serve a population that stretches across a whole continent.

This expertise is shared with, or exported to, other Francophone countries or institutions Canada ,3. The rest of the world can appreciate Canada's unique contribution to the development of a modern and diverse international Francophone community.

However, it should be pointed out that there is a downside to anything that has to do with standardization. As Dennis Ager points out:. In contemporary France governmental language policy, remarkably coherent since de Gaulle's time, is aimed at reinforcing international links through the development of the concept of francophonie; with ensuring efficiency and modernisation through terminology banks and lexical control; and with 'defending' French from excessive reliance on Americanisation. Language-planning instruments are however a mixture of control and persuasion, and the inbuilt conflicts of these differing aims, despite a generally supportive attitude among the French, mean that success is not guaranteed Ager , To make it possible for the provinces to take part in La Francophonie activities in the early s, the Government of Canada proposed an innovative approach.

There are few such arrangements elsewhere, whereby a federal government grants to the government of a federated or provincial state the status of participating government in an international or regional organization. Communication and consultation arrangements have been established between Quebec, New Brunswick and the federal government, in order to make active, original participation possible for each of them while ensuring unity of action by Canada in the community of Agency members Canada ,2.

Later, under agreements negotiated with the federal government in , these two provinces were made full participants in cooperation matters. In consultation with the Prime Minister of Canada and subject to his ad hoc approval, they can act on global economic issues of interest to them, and have status as 'interested observers' regarding international political issues discussed during the summits. And for a number of years, the Government of Canada has invited the governments of Manitoba and Ontario to take part in the summits by appointing a representative from the provinces to join with the Canadian delegation.

On occasion, a provincial minister may head the Canadian delegation and speak on behalf of Canada. Instances of this are Ministerial Conferences on education and on youth and sports. Annandale looks at the experience of Franco-Manitobans, a community made up of French-speaking Metis, descendents of French-speaking European colonists, and Quebec pioneers. Within their story, one can find insight into why French Canadians have been fighting for some kind of presence in this country; people do not always remember how the French and their language have been treated.

This is what Annandale wrote:. To appreciate fully what is happening, one must also realize to what extent French was devalued in Manitoba during much of this century. It was the language of a mainly rural population [and much the same can be said of the French living in Quebec] in an increasingly urban society. It was forbidden to use French as a language of instruction in the public schools from on, with no significant change until the 's.

French in Manitoba had the reputation among English-speakers of being an incomprehensible patois suitable, at best, for rural people within the family milieu. This attitude towards Canadian French was not, moreover, confined to Manitoba. It was a general attitude across the country that applied equally to French spoken in Quebec Annandale , As the author goes on to explain, it was the Quiet Revolution of the early 's that saw the advent of the French in Quebec asserting their cultural and linguistic rights, something that many Anglophones reacted to in a hostile way. It was a good time to make an aggressive move to seek control over institutions and fight for economic equality because the international climate was favourable.

La Francophonie was emerging as a force and provided the vehicle. And de Gaulle had lent his support for the Quebec officials, who were struggling for a distinctive presence in a sea of hostility Page , Alison d'Anglejan writes that the revolution was "an attempt to accelerate the socio-economic development of French Canadian society to bring it into line with that of the rest of Canada There was a good deal of resentment amongst the French due to their lower economic status when compared to that of the English in the province.

The French fought to keep the Anglicisms out of the language and demanded some purity for it. French was no longer seen as a language used by rural folk, the hired help, and blue-collar workers, "but as the vehicle of a rich, varied and dynamic culture" Annandale , What happened in Quebec helped the French right across Canada, and communities such as those in Manitoba gained acceptance in their provinces, wherein, they were living almost entirely in an English environment, and fighting for survival. Would it really matter if the culture were completely integrated into Anglicized Manitoba?

As Annandale writes:. The Franco-Manitobans have done more than merely survive in the nearly years since the creation of the province. They have continued to manifest an astonishing energy which suggests that they may well overcome the enormous forces of assimilation to which they are exposed. If they do not, then a certain conception of Canada will disappear with them and "la Francophonie" as a world community will have suffered a loss more substantial than mere numbers would suggest Annandale , What happened in Quebec in the s to bring about the Quiet Revolution?

What factors came together to transform a fairly unassuming group of Canadians into a revolutionary alliance, led by an anguished intellectual elite, who despaired for their French culture and language? Historically, the French living in Quebec were raised Roman Catholic and typically had large families while living in rural areas of the province, farming and logging. The church controlled the schools and both were devoted to a French language existence, which had little contact with English speakers and the cities where they lived, such as Montreal.

However, as industrialization began to change demographic patterns and more and more of the French-speaking Quebecois left their small towns and headed for the big cities for work in factories and businesses, they found that learning English was imperative if they wanted a new life. English-speaking interests had gained control over much of Quebec's industrial and business sectors d'Anglejan , Other things became obvious as well, including the fact that they were lacking education when compared to the Canadian norm, and as a result, were lower on the income scale as well.

Many turned their backs on the church and began using contraception, which caused a drastic decline in the birth rate of French-speaking Quebecois. This was coupled with the arrival of a growing number of immigrants, who spoke neither English nor French, but who chose to send their children to English school for an education. As Weinstein writes:. This development and the decline in their own birthrate convinced French-speaking intellectuals in the s that eventually they might be outnumbered in their own homeland.

The result would be the disappearance of Quebec's French identity and absolute cultural, economic and political control by Anglophones Weinstein , In , the Office de la Langue Francaise was created to promote standardized French that was based on the Paris standard and an international lexicon.

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Its job was to purge regional expressions and English terms, and "revitalize the low prestige variety of French spoken in Quebec through the development and dissemination of French terminology to replace Canadianisms or Anglicisms in common use d'Anglejan , On November 23, , an historical agreement was signed between France and Quebec, jointly accepting the responsibility to diffuse and promote the French language. As William W. Bostock writes in Francophonie: Organisation, Co-ordination, Evaluation :.

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The signing of this agreement, probably more than any other, marked the birth of La Francophonie, the organisational form of francophonie. It showed at once the foresightedness of French and Quebec leaders, French generosity in sharing its patrimony, and Quebec breadth of vision and perspicacity as to the difficult nature of the task ahead of preserving and securing francophone identity Bostock , Avice , E.

Berchoud , M. Berthoud , C. Bourges , H. Brunnquell , F. Char , A. Deldique , P. Donnay , F. Glaser , A. Gouteux , J. Jeanneney , J. Labertit , G. Monga , C. Papet , J.

Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)
Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)
Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)
Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)
Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)
Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition) Quel service public de la justice en Afrique francophone ? (French Edition)

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