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Sol M. BeronaMatthew J. SmithJohn A. Klaus Eriksson Fleming and his allies, on the other hand, thirst for power and revenge. They are cunning and sly, choose their own short-time benefit before the common good, plot secretly against their enemies and are happy to ruin the lives of the innocent read: that of Klaus Hermansson Fleming and his family. These unhappy series of events are compared to those experienced by Cicero in the civil war of Ancient Rome.
Thus, while recording his family and contemporary history, Klaus Hermansson Fleming is searching for precedents among virtuous people of antiquity. The chronicle form also serves as a rational and "impartial" context for defend- ing oneself. The latter chronicle succinctly vindicates the writer in a style mixed with historical "facts" beginning from the invention of gunpowder and claims to be a "record of events to be remembered". While interweaving "historical facts" of common interest with statements vindicating the writer, it aims to persuade the reader that the statements concerning Klaus Hermansson Fleming are likewise, reliable and rational accounts of past events.
After the death of her husband, she briefly took part in the defence of Turku Castle against Duke Charles. Contemporary documents describe the mixed feelings aroused by this widow, among both her supporters and her enemies. Klaus Hermansson Fleming describes her as a passionate woman without wisdom: [--] viduam Flemingi prohibuisse nos intromitti: non esset enim permissura mariti auctoritatem una cum ipso extingui, sed velle consilijs et administrandis rebus interesse et praesse.
Et quis tam ignaus qui muliebri imperio subesse sustinuisset, novo exemplo et apud nos inaudito. His w idow wo uld n ot let us c ome to Tu rku C astle. When she tries to put her ideas into practice, she ruins them, because her passionate enthusiasm lacks wisdom. Who would be coward enough to subordinate to the authority of a woman, which is a new, unparalleled phenomenon around here! The supporters of Ebba Stenbock describe her explicitly as masculine, thus praising her for exceeding the limitations of her sex.
Her enemies, such as Klaus Hermansson, see her as a woman possessing all the worst feminine traits, with her actions shatter- ing the chivalrous heritage that framed their codes of honour. Consequently, it provides an interesting glimpse into a debate of the age surrounding the ideal behav- iour expected of men and women. Some historians might argue that the authority of a noble widow was neither a new nor an unparalleled phenomenon in Sweden.
Historical accuracy, however, is not sought by Klaus Hermansson Fleming and his argument, with reference to tradition, history and honour, is merely another vindication of his opinions and decisions. Conclusion I hope that the above remarks have provided you with some examples of past events and historical backgrounds in persuasive narratives. The records of landed property were partly written to justify ownership by the Fleming brothers.
The genealogies and chronicles aimed to create a glorious past — and consequently a glorious future - for the members of the Fleming family. In- depth examination is still the most common approach when studying documents relating to medieval or early modern Finland. I do not deny the possibility that these texts refer to the actual past; I have not given up hope that the discoursive elements of texts might refer to the mentalities experienced by people of the past. The problem of referentiality, however, remains a difficult and important question, and I remain open to further comments and discus- sion.
Genealogica Vol. Gen ealogica Vol. Printed Sources Eerik Flemingin maakirjat. Aulis Oja. Valtionarkisto, Helsinki Fant, Erik. M: Observa tiones historicae in Flemingorum gentem. Ed mans tryckeri, Uppsala Flem ing, Klaus Herm ansson : Chrono logi a brevis eo rum , quae a tem pore coro nation is Regi s Sigisdmundi ipsi sc.
Flemming accidere, af Claes Hermansson Fleming. Andra Flocken. Helsingfors, J. Simelii Arfwingar Iivar Flemingin maa kirja. John E. Jaakko Teitin va litusluettelo Suomen aatelistoa vastaan v. Suomen historiallinen seura, Helsinki Literature Kaartinen , M arjo : S p ir itu a l Eunuchs. Cultural History, University of Turku Munslow, Alun: Deconstructing History.
Routledge, London - New York, Reth inking History In the late L fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries it was common for the common people to receive religious teachings through vernacular drama. In England, France and the Netherlands these dramas instructed Christians in many ways. Metaphysical issues were handed down in the miracle plays. Mysteries represented the lives of saints. Moralities taught ethics and moral codes of Christian life. Salvation and the role of divine mercy was another important issue of moralities. All these forms of drama were tied tightly to the vernacular sermons of the mendicant brotherhoods.
I also argue that the former studies of the moralities do not examine the body and death relation thoroughly.
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Despite the fact that the genre in question is anything but orderly, there are some recurring themes in the late medieval moralities. First, they all represent human life as a transient, imperfect state. Second, in every morality the moment of death is seen as the culmination point of life. These three recurring themes and the way they are represented are what I call the macabre discourse of the late medieval moralities. The word macabre is usually connected to the visual arts, not literature. In a wider sense the macabre means simply artistic ways of portraying the paradox between life and death.
In the narrow sense the word macabre is usually connected to the tradition of Dances of Death. What is interesting in both cases, in the moralities as well as in the visual arts, is the unbalanced dualism of body and soul. As Clifford Davidson argues, the late medieval religious play participated strongly in the debate about the place of the human in the universe.
One important aspect of this debate was the inevitable end of human life and its moral implications. In the religious discourse of the plays the living human body was seen first and foremost as a place of constant psychological conflicts. Everyman starts with a warning to the audience: Ye think sin in the beginning full sweet, Which in the end causeth the soul to weep, When body lieth in the clay. Everyman, lines This idea is even clearer in Mankind. The protagonist laments: O thou my soul, so subtle in thy substance, Alas! What was thy fortune and thy chance To be associate with my flesh, that stinking dunghill?
Mankind, 7 Bodily existence is clearly a state of fallenness. The body of Mankind cannot resist sin. This causes grief to the soul of the protagonist. In fact the whole concept of body in the moralities is defined as a kind of existential problem. Mankind is bound to his bodily existence. This bodily existence is a state of moral weakness because the short-sighted, immediate pleasure-seeking body overpowers the soul.
In the pursuit of pleasure the needs of the soul are forgotten. There is also a Christian concept to represent this idea of a soul trapped inside the short-sighted body. The concept of flesh defines the human body in the context of it sinful needs. Flesh lives only to fulfil its pleasures. He is concerned only with pleasure and cares little for the salvation of the soul: I loue wel myn ese, In lustys me to plese; Thou synne my sowle seze I geue not a myth. The Castle of Perseverance, lines The pleasure-seeking body, the sinful flesh, is the realm of decay. In the end, worldly pleasures turn out to be only deceitful trap in the path to salvation.
In fact there is nothing new in the quotes above, except possibly that they tend to over-emphasise old traits. Late medieval moralities are only one stepping stone in the long tradition of bodily rejection. The idea of dualistic individuality is found in the Hebrew Bible, thought usually not as a binary opposition. In the Judaic tradition the flesh itself is not considered evil. The Synoptic Gospels do speak about a sinful body and a salvation-seeking soul. O wretched man that I am! There are two main reasons for this. First, the influence of the Hellenistic tradition emphasises Platonic mistrust in the material world.
Second, the growing need for scholasticism a nd religious formulations favours metaphysics that are based on strong oppositions. The result of these factors is seen in the long-lasting, body-denying current in Christian culture. Still, the Christian rejection of the body is most prominent in late medieval culture. Johan Huizinga emphasised that the end of the medieval period was a time of pessimism and decline.
Huizinga took the view that the people of this era were deeply concerned with the after life, death and fear of sin and damnation. This is true to certain degree. Although it is clear that Huizinga thematized a long period of time to meet up with his own approach, these themes are extremely popular at least in the arts and the literature of the time when the moralities were made. In the field of macabre discourse Everyman is by far the most remarkable late medieval play. It starts with the Messenger pointing out the central theme: I pray you all give your audience, And hear this matter with reverence, By figure a moral play: The Summoning of Everyman called it is, That of our lives and ending shows How transitory we be all day.
Everyman, lines Life is indeed transitory, especially from the perspective of its ending. The whole play concentrates on the moment of death. Everyman meets the personification of death and the following actions define the fate of his soul. The worldly life of the protagonist is shown only in the light of the Christian eternity. Everyman learns that his friends, relatives and possessions cannot help him in the end. The strange atmosphere that surrounds the main character seems to include terror and humour, hope and despair, magical elements and chilling realism.
The strangest process is, of course, the stripping of the protagonist of his everyday abilities. The rapidly weakening Everyman observes: O, all thing faileth, save God alone — Beauty, Strength, and Discretion; For w hen D eath bloweth his blast, They all run from me full fast.
Shallow-minded Beauty, for example, will not follow him to the grave because she is too concerned about her looks Everyman, lines Beauty is a good example of the mind-games of the play. We understand that no-one looks beautiful as a decaying corpse. The narrative also contains a spiritual teaching about the consequences of vanity. However, there is more to it than just this.
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In fact Beauty is not a separate person, but an attribute of the protagonist. So she does not really betray Everyman. She simply does not have what it takes to save her master. There is a parallel situation in the first morality written in English. They are in every way able, brave and strong: Knytis he hat cumlic In bred and in leint; Not I neuir non suc Of stotey ne off strynt. The Pride of Life, lines 12 Strength and Health have as much confidence in themselves as the King of Life has in himself.
Despite their enthusiasm to go into battle they cannot really help the King of Life in the duel with the King of Death. Pride of Life has a stern macabre logic that shows the connection between the mortal sin of pride and its ultimate result, death. How could death be defeated in combat, really? Still, the King of Life, so blind in his pride, engages in the battle and loses. The ultimate teaching is not, however, about the importance of humility.
The real lesson is that nothing from the body could save the representative of whole mankind from death. The late medieval macabre discourse and its allegorical dynamics are based on the notion of unbalanced dualism. This is the unbalanced dualism of body and soul.
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I have my composition Of a body and of a soul, of condition contrary. Betwix them is a great division; He that should be subject, now he hath the victory. Mankind, lines In fact Mankind postulates the inner logic of the macabre. This logic defines the way in which the unreliable and mischievous personifications and characters speak, think, act and look. It also defines the way the action of the plays evolves.
On the level of representation there are two ways in which the imbalance between body and soul is manifested: the grotesque and the macabre. The grotesque representation of the body and the action in the plays favours transgression, exaggeration and irregularity. The moralities, like other genres of didactic drama, portray the world and sinful ways in a way that combines loathing and humour. Th grotesque figures are both funny and dangerous. In the morality Mankind there is a demon called Titivillus who tries to stop the main character from working.
Titivillus is both extremely evil and extremely funny. He has an unnaturally large head and he makes constant jokes about himself, but he also tries to make the main character involve himself in the mortal sin of sloth and commit suicide — which was believed to be the result of this mortal sin. Though they are murderers, drunkards and live in adultery, they are also a laughing stock of the audience. All these characters are associated with the body and sin. Th characters associated with the soul and mercy are rarely funny and never grotesque.
This dividing principle is, of course, motivated by the didactic purpose of these plays. More or less intertwined with the grotesque there is also the macabre. The personification of Death and the process of dying are represented in the light of ultimate terror, fear and loss.
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Macabre elements can be funny, but the main idea is that they are frightening. The sadistic personification of Death makes pathetic speeches and acts aggressively. In the Castle of Perseverance Mors appears to the old, avaricious Humanum Genus and mocks him for a long time before the deadly strike with his dart lines The good and wise characters in the plays also make constant remarks about the reality of death, though without sadistic glee. The finite nature of human life is always present in the world of moralities and the audience is constantly reminded of this.
This attitude no longer prevails. It has subsequently been understood that the grotesque elements and the vulgar humour in the plays has to do with the context of the plays. Presented in the market-places and at festivals, the moralities and other religious plays also had to be entertainment, not only teaching.
The grotesque can be seen as unproblematic, but what about the macabre? How can we comprehend this strange way of representing our finality? And how was it perceived by the contemporary audience? To find answers to these questions we must understand also the real-life relation between medieval people and their cultural concept of death.
His basic idea was that in the past dying and encountering death was a more tolerable experience than it is today. The development is from a better cultural model to an inferior one. Early medieval culture saw the death of a single individual as only a small part of the grand cycle where new generations replace the older ones. A medieval person died in the comfort of the community, believing that his death had a purpose.
The modern person is also an individual in relation to his or her death. In the individualistic society we must confront death alone, without the organising concept-frame of the surrounding community. For him the late medieval conception of death is represented in the macabre art. Macabre art is the art of new- born individuality. In the mirror of death the late medieval person recognises himself as unique entity. The horror of the Dances of Death and similar works of art is the new-found horror of losing it all as a single, unique person.
For him, this rise of a new individuality is really what macabre art is all about. Cultural practices concerning dying and death have been moving from collective to personal. Her sober argument is that the fear of death and dying is an inevitable fact of human life regardless of the surrounding culture.
The reason for this is not the need to find some hidden individuality, for it was never lost. The real answer lies elsewhere. Colin Platt has studied the effects of the Black Death on late medieval English society. Platt perceives a certain relation between the development of macabre art and the increasing effects of bubonic plague.
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Since the epidemic started to sweep northern Europe macabre art became more popular and more terrifying. In the sixteenth century the threat of disease diminished and macabre art lost its popularity. Despite the tremendous effect that the plague had on society, Platt does not see this as the only factor explaining the rise of macabre art. He also points out that late medieval people thought more about their personal fate in the after life than did their predecessors.
We can quite safely say that the epidemic threat was always lurking in minds of the late medieval Englishmen and women. However, this should not be understood in too modern a manner. We tend to think that the well-being of the body is the most important thing for anyone that is expecting to fall seriously ill. Late medieval people thought that the plague could also damage the unprepared soul in the form of purga- torial torments. Let us now examine further this fear of after-death torments and its effect on the macabre. The art historian Paul Binski tends emphasise this point.
Like Platt, he argues that in the late medieval period people became more and more afraid of sufferings after death. The need for penitence also became more relevant. The growing popularity in the doctrine of Purgatory changed the traditional concept of the after life. Earlier it was more common to think that all the dead people were in fact only sleeping in the earth. The dead waited together for the end of time and the collective resurrection of the body and the soul. The doctrine of Purgatory shifted judgement to the moment of death and away from the body. The soul departed immediately and went before the heavenly judge.
It was also more likely that the dying person was going to suffer at least to some extent because the judgement was no more just salvation or damnation. This way of thinking greatly influenced the artistic treatments of death. Also thou delightest to go gay and fresh, And in the way of damnation thou did me bring, Therefore suffer now strokes of punishing.
Now of penance I will wade the water clear, To save me from purgatory, that sharp fire. So he is indeed whipping for his life — his life in the life to come. Everyman, as a religious personification of mankind, seems to have no respect for his body. Binski, on the other hand, notes that macabre art is always stressing the importance of penitence. Macabre art declares: memento mori! One should not be seduced by the temptations of the flesh.
However, this is not the whole story: The culture of macabre which arose in late-medieval, and especially northern, Europe is one of the oddest and most compelling phenomena in the history of contemporary representation. The macabre seeks to make the body irrelevant, something to be cast away when the time comes. The recipient is persuaded to see the soul as the true self and the body and its needs as an object of suppression and loathing, something outside the true self.
In the post-modern reading the representations of worthless bodies became overfilled with hidden meaning. For Binski macabre art is not the art of chilling realism and rising individuality but the art of communicating half-suppressed anxiety. The macabre discourse does not tame the short-sighted and greedy body completely. The body and its needs are still strongly present. In fact, this is the way it has to be, in order to make these forms of art shocking. Between the lines that formulate the moral and doctrinal teaching macabre art also speaks about issues that have no direct discourse of their own.
This bitter-sweet feeling is concentrated on the body. In conclusion, combining the harsh time of recurring plagues and the growing importance of penitence to the old Christian rejection of the body made the macabre art, drama and literature of fourteenth century flourish. The representations of death and dead people became more and more shocking.
While discussing the needs of the soul the moralities also tell the story from the point of view of the body. Everyman with its grotesque or, should we say, macabre last- minute scourging is a good example of the controversies in the macabre discourse. In order to make the moral teaching of moralities work there has to be some level of negotiation.
This negotiation between the body and the soul manifests itself in the subtle mixture of macabre humour and self-humiliation. The body, although suppressed, is a central part of human life. Things that are seemingly easy to categorise as a sin are still the real life of the audience. So Everyman and other moralities, as well as other examples of late medieval religious art, are not only about moral teaching and religious doctrines; they are also the mirror of certain half- suppressed cultural anxiety concerning bodily existence.
Even if all goes well, death is a great loss. He whispers to his bodily attributes: Alas, I am so faint I may not stand; My limbs under me doth fold. Everyman, lines We are not dealing with didacticism here. These words are filled with genuine pity for the beloved, weary body that is about to return to dust. Notes 1 On t he rel ation of the se rmo n lite rature and late m edie val religious drama, se e Stan ley J. See also Marianne G. Marianne G. Briscoe and Joh n Coldewey. Blo omington: Indiana Un iversity Press, 19 However, M ankind is u nable to resist the mortal sin of sloth.
Without the help of Mercy his life — and the play — would culminate in the suicide and eternal damnation. Fu rther, this treatmen t in the theater of human existence is capable of being understood more clearly in its phenomenological basis by examination of the manner in which the critical issue of the end of life as understood during this period becam e the groundwork for knowledge about the significance of life with its inevitable moral and psychological conflicts. Cawley Lon don: J. Hereafter references to this modern-spelling edition are given in the body of the text.
Lester London: Ernest Benn Limited, 19 H ereafter referenc es to t his m ode rn- spelling edition are given in the body of the text. London: Oxford University Press, Hereafter references to this edition are given in the bo dy of the text. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 19 Do nn W elton. Malden: Blackwell, An everlasting memen to mori resounds th rough life.
Lond on: Oxford Unive rsity Press, Hereafter references to this editio n are give n in the bo dy of the t ext. The Pride of Life is only a fragment, but we know its plot through the summary presented in the speech of the Prolocutor at the beginning of the play. The King of Life brags about his power and might. In his pride he does not respect anyone, even God o r the Church.
Despite the warnings of the Bishop and Queen he challenges the King of Death and loses. Only by the mercy of the Virgin Mary is his soul saved. Patricia M. Herm an Braet and W erner Verbeke. Leuven: Leuven University Press, New Ways of Being Christian in the Twelfth Century The 11th and 12th centuries have often been seen as a turning point in many aspects of medieval culture. Among the major components of the changes in society were the various religious reform movements.
Since Herbert Grundmann, these movements have been seen as connected. In this way the appearance of new Orders in the Church, hermits, guilds, fraternities and popular movements, some of which were condemned as heretical, have at least one point of resemblance: in all of them, people were in quest of the true Christian way of life, a true Christian identity — often called the vita apostolica.
Und Hildesheim Berkeley - Los Angeles - London , 59— This did not change the stream of people receiving the status of lay brethren conversi donati illiterati idiotae etc. On the contrary: the number of lay people in monasteries was increasing. It is self-evident that heresy is not an autonomous phenomenon, but is dialectically related to orthodoxy. It is the by-product of defining the orthodox, and at the same time the reason for such a definition. He was canonised by Innocent III in , only two years after his death.
Homobonus belonged to the laity, but not to the nobility. In his vitas he was described as a former merchant and a husband with children. These are characteristics that do not make him a typical saint of his time. His identity as a holy exemplum was presented in the bull of canonisation and in three different vitas, written in the 13th century and at the beginning of the 14th. A Weberian Analysis. Sociology of Religion , Oxford — Cam brid ge, 19 92, 3 —8.
M oore , Rob ert Ian: Literacy and th e making o f heresy, c. Heresy and Literacy, — Cambridge 19 Volu me I. Paris Il pubblico dei santi. Forme e livelli di ricezione dei messaggi a giogra fici. A cura di paolo Golinelli.
Roma Laico e santo. In the later vitas, however, these parts of his life became the central parts of his imitable sanctity. The difference may be due to the fact that at the time of his canonisation there was not yet official approval of lay religious groups. The later picture of St. Homobonus fit so well in the framework of the vocation of the humilia- ti that in the later Middle Ages they argued that he would have belonged to them. In maintaining this, the humiliati, the lay religious movement of the northern Italian city states, wanted to strengthen their identity by acquiring a clear model for themselves, which they lacked, and a legitimation for it.
After years of poorly documented prehistory, and after condemnation as heretics in , their rule was approved by the Pope in the first years of the 13th century. It was also a drawback for the movement in an era when examples were of great importance for the members of a group. In a vita of St. Homobonus written at the end of the 13th century, the saint of Cremona was given the surname de Tucengo. As Vauchez has argued, this was a local noble family which probably wanted to obtain dignity and social prestige by claiming that Homobonus was one of them.
During the first hundred years of its existence, the cult of Homobonus was not very successful; it was only in the begin- ning of the 14th century that it truly took off. Homobonus became the patron saint of Cremona and of merchants in general, mainly in northern Italy. Possibly, for the modern historian who is trying to arrive at simple facts in history. In the High Middle Ages it was not so. The re-writers of his vita tried to reveal his true identity; this was not his historical identity but the model he constitu- ted, an eternal identity, applicable throughout time in different contexts.
Cremona Innocenzo III. Urbs et Orbis. Cambridge For connections between St. Hom obonus and later humiliati see Vauchez E liad e, M. At the same time as St. Homobonus, there lived a man in Lyon by the name of Waldes lat. There are various narratives of his conversion, from the 12th and 13th century. The stories depict his identity before and after his transformation from a wealthy citizen to a wandering preacher.
These stories are not the vitas of a saint, but rather exempla of the beginnings of a popular religious movement, the Waldensians or the Poor of Lyon Pauperes de Lugduno. The Waldensians were expelled from Lyon and condemned along with the humiliati in ; some of them were reconcile d and returned to the Church in the beginning of the 12 t h century.
They had an undoubted founder and leading figure, acceptance or condemnation of whose identity would affect everyone that followed him. Thus the narratives of the conversi- on of Waldes written between the s and the s did not describe in the 9 Chronologically the first account can b e found in a Cistercian collection of exempla and can be dated to the s. It was identified and published only quite recently. Revue Mabillon. The second story is in a chronicle written by an unknown Premonstratensian.
The chronicle has be en date d to the 12 20 s. Chronicon universale anonymi laudunensis. Bearbeitet von Wolf Stechele. Leipzig — Paris The third story can be found in the Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibu s of Stephen o f Bourbon, a collection of exempla from the middle of the 13th cent ury. Torino , 49— There is also yet another story, written at the end of 13th century by an anonymous Dom inican in Passau.
The context of this story differs from the others and presents special problems that cannot be discussed here. QGW, Torino Turin Oxford — Malden Sous la direction de Monique Zerner. Nice For the early history of the movement see also the articles in Vaudois languedo ciens et Pauvres Catholiques.
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